THE NEIGHBORHOODS: 1970 - 2000 COMPARISONS
Previous sections of this report have been concerned with establishing the broad pattern of the distribution of social indicators in the city. The authors feel that the concept of socioeconomic status, especially when it is supplemented with the other kinds of data available, is a valuable social indicator for needs assessment purposes. The maps of the four social areas show the broad pattern of the city's socioeconomic structure.
In the first edition of this study (1974) care was taken to point out the limitations of "ecological analysis" - the utilization of statistics aggregated at the census tract, neighborhood, or social area level. It was pointed out that this type of analysis is subject to the "ecological fallacy", the attribution of statistical averages to all the diverse individuals in a given geographic unit. In the 1970 Neighborhood Descriptions, therefore, the reader was informed about the relative diversity or homogeneity of each neighborhood. This exercise will not be repeated here. The reader is hereby referred to the first edition for that discussion. The focus of the following narrative will be to outline changes in the neighborhoods that have occurred since 1970, and especially the 1990 - 2000 period. Both Appendix II and III, as well as Table 10 have been used for the neighborhood descriptions.
Small changes in 1970 - 1980 SES index and SES rank for a tract or neighborhood may be accidental. These accidental changes are caused by the fact that tracts and neighborhoods were added and deleted. Example: Linwood was a new tract and neighborhood in 1980. Its insertion on the list of tracts and neighborhoods caused all tracts and neighborhoods with a higher SES index to have a slightly higher SES index. Gains or losses of less than six points should not be regarded as significant.
During the 1980s Queensgate ceased to be a residential neighborhood.
2 The West End. SES I
There was notable improvement in the SES index for the West End in the 90's in spite of a continued decline in the family structure indicator in some tracts (Appendix II). In one West End tract only 4 percent of children under 18 lived in two parent families. There were significant improvements in the SES index for all tracts except 2 and 8. Over 2,000 West End adults have an eighth grade education or less. This is double that of 1990.
3 CBD Riverfront. SES IV
No SES index was calculated for the CBD in 1980 because there were no children. Social indicators were up in 1990 and tract 7 moved up from SES II to SES III. During the 1990s, the SES index declined slightly in tract 7 and plummeted in tract 6. Median family income was $50,500 in tract 7 and $50,000 in tract 6. The latter represented a drop of over $10,000 from 1990. The family structure indicator also dropped in tract 6. This change should probably be discounted due to the very small number of children living in the CBD. The effects of downtown redevelopment are beginning to show in the statistics.
4 Over-The-Rhine. SES I
Across the Parkway from the CBD, Over-The-Rhine also showed a small drop in the overall SES index and the neighborhood now ranks 4th from the bottom, down from 5th in 1990. Tract 9 has the lowest income in the city. Education and family status indicators are also very low in Over-The-Rhine. In tract 9, the family structure indicator is 4 and in tract 16 it is only 3.1, the lowest in the city. The 2000 poverty rate was 56 percent and 73 percent of the households were female headed. Overcrowding was worse in tract 10 than in any other tract in the city except tract 11, also in Over-the-Rhine. The dropout rate declined from the 1990 rate but almost half the adults lack a high school education and 382 adults have an eighth grade education or less. Tracts 10 and 17 show a pattern of increase in the SES index and the other tracts declined in the 1990s after improving in the 1980s. The decline in tract 9 was from 22.4 to 3.0, the city's lowest. Racial change continued and Over-the-Rhine was 77 percent African American by the end of the decade. Tract by tract changes in SES are shown in Appendix III.
5 Mount Adams. SES IV
Mt. Adams had been completely gentrified by 1980. In the 1990s, tract 12 improved even more and tract 13 declined from 112 to 108.6. Over the thirty year period, however, its SES index increased by 50 points; this is more than for any other neighborhood. In 1970, Mt. Adams was in SES II. It has gone from being a working class neighborhood to an enclave of artists and professionals including many singles and childless couples.
6 Mount Auburn. SES II
Mt. Auburn continues to have high rates of poverty (26 percent) and female headed households (50 percent). Mt. Auburn is, however, one of the neighborhoods that has to a large degree reversed the pattern of decline in social indicators. The SES index rose in 1990 and only fell a fraction of a point in 2000. Tract 18, which includes Liberty Hill, has more than doubled its index of socioeconomic status since 1970. Tract 23 between Auburn and Vine Street remains in SES I. The racial composition of Mt. Auburn has held constant (near 73 percent African American) since 1970.
7 Fairview-Clifton Heights. SES III
In 1970 all three census tracts in Fairview-Clifton Heights were in SES I. Now two are in SES II and one is in SES IV. All three tracts gained on the SES index 1970-1990 and lost some of this progress in the 1990s. Some of the decline is related to a drop in median family income. There are many multi-family units in tract 26 some of which are rented to students. Fairview is a close-in neighborhood that has many homes with city views. The fact that progress has been reversed here should be a concern to citizens and public officials. In the 1990s two tracts dropped from SES III to SES II status. See also sections on other uptown neighborhoods (Clifton Heights, Corryville, University Heights, Clifton).
8 Camp Washington. SES I
In 1970 Camp Washington had the lowest SES index of any Cincinnati neighborhood. Partially due to worsening statistics in surrounding areas it now ranks 7th from the bottom. Its own SES index climbed from 16.2 in 1970 to 27.2 in 2000. Crowded housing conditions and low educational levels contributes to its relatively low rank. Like other low-income white Appalachian areas its family status indicator, remained high for the inner city (at 53 percent) until 1990. Then, it fell to 27.2 in 2000. The poverty rate in Camp Washington is 36 percent. Forty eight percent of the below-poverty households in Camp Washington are female headed. The African American population is increasing and in 2000 stood at 27 percent.
9 University Heights. SES III
Tract 29 moved up to SES IV in 1980 but by 1990 had fallen back to SES III. This tract declined in several indicators including income, overcrowding, and family status. This tract covers the hillside between the university and Camp Washington. From 1970 to 2000 tract 29 had lost 15 points on the SES Index. Tract 30 lost 9 points mostly in the 1990s. In tract 30 the overcrowding indicator was 8.4 in 2000, one of the city's highest. Family status and education indicators improved between 1980 and 1990. A drop in the family status indicator accounts for much of the recent decline. Overall this neighborhood improved in the 70s and 80s and declined in the 1990s. As in the neighboring Fairview-Clifton Heights the percent African American has grown to near twenty percent, up from 9.2 in 1970. (Corryville has been experiencing racial change in the other direction, becoming more white since 1980).
10 Corryville. SES II
In the 1970's tracts 32 and 33 experienced different trends except that both experienced population loss. Tract 32 saw some white flight and tract 33 became whiter and rose from SES II to SES III. In the 80's the SES index went up in tract 32 and down in 33 to the extent that this tract is now back in SES II. In the 1990s both tracts lost most of the SES gains they had made since 1970. Due to a very gradual decline in percentage of African American population, Corryville in 2000 was 49.7 percent African American, down from 55 percent in 1970. Presumably demand for housing near the university and hospitals is a stability factor against the "tipping factor" that seems to apply to many urban neighborhoods.
11 Walnut Hills. SES I
From 1970 to 1980 all Walnut Hills census tracts declined in SES index. By 1990 this trend had reversed. In tract 19, near Eden Park, the SES index shot up to 74.2 showing the results of gentrification. The index rose less dramatically in tracts 21, 35, and 36 and stayed the same in tract 37. Walnut Hills had not fully recovered from the trauma it experienced in the 1960's and 1970's but had stabilized and shown signs of revitalization. In 1970 Walnut Hills had a poverty rate of 37 percent. The poverty was 99 percent African American.
By 2000, racial change had stabilized at 84 percent African American but the SES Index fell in four out of five tracts. Now the task is to improve jobs and education especially for African Americans. The dropout rate went down from 1980 to 2000 but there were 604 adults in Walnut Hills with an eighth grade education or less and over 2000 without a high school diploma. In tract 35 only 9 percent of the children lived in two parent homes. In tract 21 the family structure indicator was 8.9.
12 Evanston. SES II
During the 1990s, the SES Index fell in two tracts and rose in one. Overall, the changes since 1970 have been minimal. To this extent Evanston seems stuck. In the 1980s, tract 39 had moved from SES I to SES II and remains there. The others are still in SES I. In 2000 Evanston was 88.5 percent African American, down slightly from 1990. The poverty rate was 24 percent and mostly confined to female headed households. The school dropout rate fell dramatically from 34 percent to 16.5 percent. Four hundred fifty (450) adults without any high school lived in Evanston in 2000 and 1773 adults lacked a high school education.
13 Evanston - East Walnut Hills. SES III
This statistical neighborhood first appeared in the 1986 version of this report. Its single census tract (41) improved in SES by 22 points by 2000 and moved up to SES III. Its median family income, at $ 39,327 fell slightly in the 1990s. Its poverty rate is below the city average and education levels are fairly high and improving. Its unemployment picture improved during the 80's but remained stationary in 2000. The percentage of population which is African American had declined dramatically from 74 percent in 1970 to 48 percent in 1990. During the 1990s the percent African American rose to 61 percent. There was a small drop in income level.
14 East Walnut Hills. SES IV
Social indicators continued to improve in East Walnut Hills after a slight decline in the 1970's. Only five neighborhoods have a higher SES ranking. Racial change has been very gradual and in 2000 East Walnut Hills was 29.5 percent African American (from 32 percent in 1970). Its percent elderly (23 percent) is surpassed only by Kennedy Heights.
15 East End. SES I
The SES Index for the East End went up in 1980, slightly up in 1990 and up substantially in 2000. It is now in SES II. Long a white Appalachian and African American working class enclave, the East End has become more diverse since 1990. New condominium development brought an influx of high income residents. Much of the affordable housing has been vacated and demolished in the past thirty years and by 1995 the population had been reduced dramatically. Community organizing efforts have sought to maintain the neighborhood's mixed-income and ethnically diverse character. It is too early to tell whether these efforts can succeed. Tract 43 has seen the most dramatic change from 13.8 on the SES Index in 1970 to 48.8 in 2000. The overall poverty rate fell from 35 percent in 1990 to 12 percent in 2000. In 2000 there were still 450 children under 18 but the family structure indicator had fallen from one of the city's highest in 1990 (85). By 2000 only 4.3 percent of the children in tract 43 and 32 percent in tract 44 lived in two parent homes. The school dropout rate plunged from 49 percent in 1990 to 11 percent in 2000. Some of the East End's traditional problems are still there, but clearly a new social reality is in the making.
16 California. SES IV
California moved from SES II in 1970 to the middle of SES III in 1980. It held this position in 2000. The percent elderly dropped from 17 percent to 12 percent in the 1980's and stood at 14 percent in 2000. Unemployment in 2000 was 2 percent. The median family income was $133,695 and 99.2 percent of the children lived in two parent families.
17 Mt. Washington. SES IV
One of Mt. Washington's census tracts remained virtually unchanged in SES in the 1990s, one gained and one declined in SES. The overall effect was a one point drop. Tract 46.01, after declining in the 1980s is back in SES IV. Change in Mt. Washington may be related to displacement from the East End. East Enders have been able to find affordable housing in Mt. Washington. Mt. Washington is still an SES IV neighborhood. Median family income is the same as in Clifton ($67,500) and Oakley. Racial change has been minimal. The dropout rate decreased from 14 percent to 9.6 percent. The percent elderly is high at 19 percent. Twenty percent of the population is under 18. Mt. Washington's rank among the neighborhoods (table 9) was 43 in 1970, 41 in 2000.
18 Mt. Lookout - Columbia Tusculum. SES IV
This area remained stable in the 1990s with very small changes in its social indicators. Adjacent to the East End and Linwood as well as to Hyde Park and Mt. Lookout, it has some diversity. In 2000, there were 39 families below poverty and 415 persons over age 60 (The percent elderly actually declined). There were no reported school dropouts according to the 2000 census. The median family income, at $83,500, is the fifth highest in the city. The percent African American is 7.6. Only 6 percent of the population has less than a high school education.
19 Mt. Lookout. SES IV
Since the boundary changes that created Linwood and Mt. Lookout - Columbia Tusculum as separate statistical neighborhoods, Mt. Lookout (tract 48) has been at the top of the heap among Cincinnati neighborhoods. Its SES score of 112 is marginally higher than the Hyde Park census tracts. Its median family income at $ 110,647 is exceeded only by California, Mt. Adams and Hyde Park.
20 Linwood. SES I
Linwood is a working class heavily Appalachian neighborhood at the foot of Mt. Lookout and adjacent to the East End and Columbia Tusculum. Linwood's SES index climbed to 35 placing it at the top of SES I. The poverty rate in 2000 was 20 percent. The dropout rate of 19 percent is way down from 1990. The functional illiteracy rate has declined to 20 percent. The percent elderly is 12 percent and unemployment in 2000 was 8 percent (down from 18 percent in 1990).
21 Hyde Park. SES IV
Hyde Park's social indicators changed little from 1970 to 2000. It is second only to Mt. Lookout in its overall SES index. In 1980, the percent of the population over 60 had reached 24 percent. By 2000, this figure had declined to 17 percent. Hyde Park was surpassed by Mt. Lookout for the first time in 1990 in the overall SES index but still has a higher median family income ($112,500). Only California has a higher income level.
22 Oakley. SES IV
Oakley has changed dramatically in classification since 1970 even though its SES index has increased only 17 percent. Originally classified as SES II and III, it is now SES III and IV. Oakley has the same median family income as Clifton. Oakley's working class roots still show in a 20 percent high school dropout rate. Oakley has a high percent of elderly, an unemployment rate of 3 percent and a poverty rate of only 4 percent. It is a neighbor to Norwood, Hyde Park and Madisonville. It is overwhelmingly white (94 percent) as are its neighbors to the West and South but shares some of the elements of Norwood's and Madisonville's blue collar flavor at least in tract 54.
23 Madisonville. SES III
Madisonville, like Oakley, encompasses two social areas (Figure 2). Like College Hill, Oakley, Bond Hill, and other middle class/ working class neighborhoods, it has needed to cope with massive racial or demographic changes. In 1990, Madisonville was almost 60 percent African American. By 2000, this percentage had fallen to 33 percent. Its overall SES index declined from 64 in 1970 to 54 in 1980. This went up to 60 in 1990 and to 70 in 2000. In terms of income, Madisonville is at a median family income of $55,000, in the middle of the third quartile neighborhoods. Its poverty rate was below average at 6 percent. Neighborhood organizations have worked hard to reverse Madisonville's decline. They have succeeded.
24 Pleasant Ridge. SES IV
Pleasant Ridge and Kennedy Heights are primarily residential neighborhoods on the northeast fringe of Cincinnati. They are only arbitrarily separated by city boundaries from suburbs such as Golf Manor and Amberley Village. Pleasant Ridge has experienced significant population loss and some racial change. The neighborhood was 40 percent African American in 2000. The poverty rate was 10 percent, less than the city average. In 1970, all three tracts were in SES IV. By 1990, only two remained in SES IV. The SES Index declined by ten points between 1970 and 2000. If tract 57.02 continues to decline, it will join the SES II areas to the south.
25 Kennedy Heights. SES III
Kennedy Heights, like Pleasant Ridge, has retained a quality residential atmosphere despite demographic changes. Its one census tract, 58, by 1990 had stopped the rapid decline of the 1970s and stabilized with an SES index of 72.4, down by four points from 1980. By 2000 this index rose to 77. Income and education levels have been significant factors in the decline of Kennedy Heights' SES score since 1970. Its family structure indicator has improved during the 1970 - 2000 period.
26 Hartwell. SES III
Hartwell has experienced decline in its overall SES indexes in the 1970s and again in the 1990s. In income, Hartwell held a position at the top of SES III. During the 1970 - 90 period, Hartwell's rank declined on all components of the SES index except income, which actually advanced. During the 1990s the family structure indicator fell from 71 to 43. This major change was partially offset by a change in the education indicator from 33 to 19, but overall the neighborhood lost 10 points on the SES Index. Its rank on income fell from 90 to 83. Racial change has been gradual but significant. In 2000 almost one in five residents of Hartwell were African American, up from eight percent in 1970.
27 Carthage. SES II
Carthage, a relatively stable blue collar neighborhood, experienced some decline on the SES index between 1970 and 1980 but experienced gains in the 1980s and 1990s. Carthage's rank on income has improved as have its overcrowding, family structure, and education ranks. The occupation indicator rank declined in the 1990s. The poverty level was only 6 percent. The dropout rate went up in 2000 and 38 percent of the adults have less than a 12th grade education.
28 Roselawn. SES III
Continuous decline over the two decades caused the authors to reclassify Roselawn from SES IV to SES III in 1990. This decline has continued in the 1990s at a somewhat slower rate. In 1990, Roselawn had the highest percentage of elderly in Cincinnati at 29 percent. That has declined to 22 percent. With demographic changes, Roselawn, relative to other neighborhoods has declined in rank on income, overcrowding, family structure, occupation, and education since 1970. Dramatic racial change has been part of Roselawn's crisis. The neighborhood was 7 percent African American in 1970 and 56 percent in 1990. This percentage dropped to 52.8 in 2000. The authors believe that Roselawn will, like several other neighborhoods before it, eventually stabilize.
29 Bond Hill. SES II
Bond Hill is one of those middle class enclaves which has experienced radical demographic and racial changes and is seeking to stabilize. The 1990 statistics were encouraging. Tract 43's decline in social indicators continued at a much slower rate than in the 1970s and tract 64 actually improved a fraction. In the 1990s the decline continued at a modest rate and tract 64 fell to SES II. Racial change continued and it is clear that Bond Hill has lost the struggle to be an interracial neighborhood. In 2000, it was 93 percent African American. Education levels are rising after declining in the 1970s. The dropout rate fell sharply. Unemployment was 7 percent. The poverty rate was 20 percent (up slightly from 1990). Fifty two (52) percent of Bond Hill's households were female headed but the poverty among these households was no higher than that for the neighborhood. The changes being experienced by neighborhoods along Reading Road, the authors believe, are associated with newcomer families inspired to upward mobility.
30 North Avondale - Paddock Hills. SES IV
During the 1980s, North Avondale - Paddock Hills stopped the decline in SES associated with changing demographics and remained a high SES enclave within the central city. The neighborhood lost its gains in SES during the 1990s, experiencing a 12 point decline. This decline does not represent a worsening of conditions as much as a change in relative position to other neighborhoods. A superb, if aging, housing stock, strong civic efforts, and favorable location all, no doubt, played a part in the process of stabilization. In 1990, North Avondale held the same rank in SES that it held in 1970. in 2000 it fell below its 1970 rank as it had in 1980. The neighborhood has stabilized in terms of racial change at close to a 50-50 ratio.
31 Avondale. SES I
Three of Avondale's five census tracts experienced modest decline in the 1990s as they had in the 1980s. Between 1970 and 2000, the SES index fell 22 points, but during the last two of these three decades the decline was less than 3 points. In the second edition of this study we asked if Avondale would become another Walnut Hills or begin a long awaited upturn. In 1990 Walnut Hills' overall SES index surpassed that of Avondale, but this was more a product of Walnut Hills' progress than Avondale's further decline. In 2000 tract 66 improved and moved up to SES II. Tract 34 declined and fell to SES I. So did tract 68. Tracts 34 and 69 declined, the latter less than two points. The poverty rate was 33 percent affecting 1,148 families. This was down slightly from 1990. There was no racial change. Unemployment was 13 percent and the jobless rate was 47 percent. High unemployment and joblessness coupled with a low education level help account for Avondale's relative lack of upward mobility.
32 Clifton. SES IV
The major news for Clifton with the 1990 census was that tract 70 had a rise in SES index that placed it in SES IV. Now the entire neighborhood remains a high SES enclave within the central city. In the 1990s Clifton declined 12 points on the SES scale. The decline affected all three tracts but mainly tract 72. All three tracts remain in SES IV. Because several of the Uptown neighborhoods have experienced decline we might ask if change in the employment picture caused by changes in the University-medical complex are a factor.
33 Winton Place. SES II
Winton Place has stayed in SES II since 1970, however its index has slowly risen. In 1990 although the SES index rose still further, the neighborhood is still classified as SES II. The education indicator and rank seem to be what keeps this neighborhood from further improvement.
34 Northside SES II
Northside remained a neighborhood of diversity. Its tracts are still classified in three different social areas (figure 2). Tract 74, the primary Appalachian concentration, experienced no change in SES from 1970 to 2000. Tract 75 declined dramatically in the 1990s and has been reclassified in SES III. Tract 78 gained 9 points on SES. The overall SES index for Northside declined four points during the decade. The poverty rate was high in 1990 at 20 percent. There were 346 female headed households below poverty. Racial change accelerated. The dropout rate fell by only one point, but the number of dropouts decreased from 293 in 1980 to 172 in 1990 and to 101 in 2000. The overall education indicator improved. The unemployment rate was 7 percent in 2000. Northside has experienced major change in its overall population composition since 1970 and has lost only 10 points on the SES Index. The rate of decline has slowed and the neighborhood might eventually stabilize or even begin to improve (Appendix III).
35 South Cumminsville-Millvale SES IIn 1990 this neighborhood had the lowest SES index in the city. In 1980 the index fell to 11.2 partly as a result of boundary changes. In 1990 the index stood at 13.2, a very slight increase. In 2000 the SES Index was 15.4 and Fay Apartments (15) and North Fairmount-English Woods (15.4) were in the other three bottom positions (table 9).
In a metropolitan area context South Cumminsville's census tract 77 ranks 6th from the bottom (Appendix IV). The neighborhood's SES index declined from 1970 to 1990 but improved slightly in 2000. South Cumminsville-Millvale lost ground on income (compared to other neighborhoods) but actually improved on all other indicators in the 1990s.
36 Winton Hills. SES I
The disastrous period for Winton Hills was the 1970s. The SES index fell from 32.4 to 19, the population increased from 7,273 to 7,711, and the percent African American increased from 75.2 to 88.8. The tract boundary also changed slightly. The most important component of SES change was in family structure indicator. During the 1980s no further decrease in Winton Hill's SES index occurred. The index rose slightly to 22.2, taking Winton Hills a bit further away from the lowest SES score of 15.
Because it is a public housing area, Winton Hills is poor by definition. The poverty rate is the city's fifth highest at 51 percent (down from 68 percent in 1990). Median family income in 2000 was $9,807. The poverty rate among female headed families is 40 percent. In Winton Hills 79 percent of the households are female headed. There was no further racial change between 1980 and 2000. Over half the adults have a high school diploma and the dropout rate is lower than in white Appalachian areas.
37 College Hill. SES III
The 2000 census was mixed for College Hill. The SES index fell 12 points. This was after a five point gain in the 80s. The pace of racial change reversed from a dramatic 203 percent in the 70s to an eight percent decline in the African American population during the 90's. This neighborhood's goal of integration seems realizable. Its SES index puts it near the top of SES III.
38 Mt. Airy. SES II
There were two major factors in Mt. Airy's slide in SES index from 99.3 in 1970 to 67.4 in 1990. First in 1990 a new census tract was added which had a different demographic base. Secondly in the 1980's the original tract 83 itself declined on all components of the SES index except income. Change in the family structure indicator was a major factor. More than two thirds (75%) of Mt. Airy families are now female headed. During the 1990's the African American population increased to 44 percent. Most of the newcomers were renters and, while this population is upwardly mobile, it did affect the SES index. From 1970 to 2000, Mt. Airy lost 44 points on the SES scale. The change within predominantly white tract 83 was more gradual than in the more integrated tract 85.01. Tract 85.01 went from 80.8 in 1980 to 34.8 in 2000. It fell from SES III to SES II. Mt. Airy ranks near the top of SES II.
39 Fay Apartments. SES I
The SES index for this neighborhood has fluctuated with decisions regarding ownership and who would live there. The SES index rose from 1970 - 1980 and by 1990 had declined to the city's second lowest. In 2000 Fay Apartments' SES Index at 15 was the city's lowest. Change factors included all five SES variables. Fay Apartments had fallen from the bottom of SES II to the bottom of SES I, a full quartile, since 1980. Changes in ownership and tenancy may have affected the social indicators. The poverty rate is now 67 percent and 96 percent of the families are female headed. Both of these rates are the city's highest.
40 North Fairmount-English Woods. SES I
Tract boundary changes in 1980 affected the neighborhood's SES Index for 1980. By 2000, the newly defined area (Tract 86.01) experienced further decline in SES index and now ranks with Fay Apartments at the bottom of the scale (Table 9). Sixty six (66) percent of this neighborhood's families are female headed. Of these, 79 percent are below the poverty level, however only 40 percent of all the female headed families were below poverty. As with Bond Hill we see that poverty and female headed households are not synonymous. Unemployment in 2000 was 25 percent and the jobless rate was 60 percent. The rate of racial change slowed in the 80s but not before the 72 percent African American figure was reached. The figure in 2000 was 85 percent.
41 South Fairmount. SES I
Both of South Fairmount's census tracts experienced some decline in SES between 1970 and 2000. The major change was in tract 89, the more affluent of the two tracts. Both tracts held their respective quartile positions. Tract 87 at 21, slid close to the bottom of the SES scale. South Fairmount's poverty rate reached 28 percent in 2000 and the neighborhood continued to experience racial change. More than two in five of the residents of this heavily Appalachian neighborhood is African American. The dropout rate decreased from 47 percent in 1980 to 19 percent in 2000 and the education indicator continued to improve. But, as with most SES I neighborhoods, a high number of the adults (42%) lack a high school education. The unemployment rate in 2000 was 14 percent, down from 16 percent in 1990.
42 Lower Price Hill. SES I
The SES index was 21 in 1970, changed hardly at all in 1980 and eased down to 15.6 in 1990. In 2000, the SES Index rose for the first time in three decades. Its rank among the neighborhoods went from 3 (from the bottom) in 1970 to 6 in 2000 - its SES indicators not being significantly higher than South Cumminsville-Millvale, Over-the-Rhine, Fay Apartments, Winton Hills and North Fairmount, the other neighborhoods at the bottom. The poverty rate is 56 percent (down from 65 percent in 1990), the third highest in the city. The percent of female headed households increased from 47 to 49. The dropout rate rose to 58 percent, and the percentage of adults with less than a high school education remained the city's highest at 62 percent.
43 East Price Hill. SES II
East Price Hill sustained a further decline in its SES index during the 1990s. Now the neighborhood is entirely within SES II except for tract 94 which fell to SES I. Tract 93 improved slightly. Most of the negative change was in tracts 92 and 94 in the north/north western part of East Price Hill. The change was significant on all five components of SES but change in family structure was the greatest factor. The poverty rate reached 23 percent in 2000. East Price Hill now has the second largest concentration of poor whites in Cincinnati with Westwood and West Price Hill ranking first and third in that category. The African American population increased to 21.7 percent by 1990. The dropout rate increased to 25.7 and East Price Hill has 3,678 adults without a high school education and 962 with an eighth grade education or less.
44 West Price Hill. SES III
West Price Hill was remarkably stable during the entire period. Its SES Index was 79.4 in 1970, 78.5 in 1980, and 77.0 in 1990 and 75.6 in 2000. Tract 98 experienced the greatest change and it fell to the SES III classification. Tract 97 fell to SES II in 1990 but went back to SES III in 2000. West Price Hill has tracts in three different social areas (along with Northside and Mt. Auburn). Westwood has four social areas. West Price Hill was socioeconomically diverse in 1970 and still had a similar profile thirty years later. The poverty rate is only 7 percent but this represents over 400 families. One in five adults have less than a high school education. This is 2,460 individuals, second only to Westwood and East Price Hill in numbers. The unemployment rate was 4 percent and the jobless rate 24 percent in 2000.
45 Westwood. SES III
Westwood's SES index fell 26 points in the last three decades. In 1970, all five tracts were in SES IV. By 2000, one was in SES I, one was in SES II, two in SES III, and three still in SES IV. 1980 census tract boundary changes included part of old Northwest Fairmount in Westwood. In the older Westwood, tract 109 experienced a 10 point drop in the 1990s and in the area that was once tract 100, now 88, 102.01, and 102.02, also experienced significant decline (Appendix III). The authors attribute part of the change to an influx of both white Appalachians and African Americans. Westwood's poverty rate is only 10 percent but because the neighborhood is so large this gives it the second highest concentration of poor whites in the city. There are also nearly 650 African American families below the poverty level (table 4d). Westwood has become a very diverse neighborhood.
46 Sedamsville-Riverside. SES II
The SES Index for Sedamsville rose during the 70s placing this neighborhood in SES II. In spite of a slight decline in the 80s and 90s Sedamsville maintained this status, albeit at the very bottom of the SES II quartile. The poverty rate is 17 percent and the percent female headed families is at 25. The school dropout rate declined to 28 percent but, as in East Price Hill and other communities, the number of 16-19 year olds decreased so drastically that one wonders if there was not some movement of families out of the Cincinnati district. Among the neighborhoods Sedamsville ranked 6th in the percentage of adults lacking a high school education (46 percent). One in five Sedamsville residents is over 60 and 28 percent are under 17. Unemployment was 9 percent and 28 percent of the civilians were jobless in 2000.
47 Riverside-Sayler Park. SES III
After experiencing an enormous rise in SES Index in the 70s, Riverside-Sayler Park declined marginally in the 80s and experienced a small gain in the 1990s. Its rank among the neighborhoods rose to 31 much higher than its 1970 rank of 15 (from the bottom). In 2000, the poverty rate was just average at 18 percent. The African American population had increased to 18 percent. The dropout rate rose to 26.3 percent. The education indicator was 21 percent. Almost one in five of the population was over 60 in 1990. By 2000 this had fallen to 11 percent.
Riverside-Sayler Park's social indicators have been remarkably stable in the 1980-2000 period. Its SES Index was 71.6 in 1980 and 70.4 in 2000. In the 1974 edition of this report, tract 104 was in SES II. Due to decline in other neighborhoods by 1980 it had moved up one quartile in classification. Recent rises in the poverty rate and school dropout rate give some cause for concern. As elderly residents age and die or move out they are probably being replaced by younger families with different needs. Twenty eight percent of the families are female headed and these and other working families need supports such as day care.
48 Sayler Park. SES III
Sayler Park has been relatively stable during the three decades reviewed. In 1990, tract 106 gained SES IV status then declined to SES III in the 1990s. This 23 percent drop was caused by slow income growth, more overcrowding, decline in the family structure indicator, and failure of the education indicator to decline as fast as it has in the rest of the city. In 1990, tract 106 ranked 109 on the family structure indicator. In 2000 this had fallen to 90. Still over 65 percent of children under 18 lived in two parent homes.
In the 1986 edition, the authors expressed concern about a 22 percent dropout rate in a higher SES neighborhood. In 2000, the dropout rate increased to 25.6 percent. The poverty rate of 9 percent is well below the city average.